Thursday, June 4, 2009

The drugs do work – for a lot of people


One in three adults in the UK have taken them, as have the last three US presidents, so it's time to remove the stigma around drugs, and talk openly towards more effective, safer policy

Nice People Take Drugs campaign for drugs policy reform

The Nice People Take Drugs ad campaign for drugs policy reform. Photograph: Release

Nice People Take Drugs – it's not a controversial statement. We all know people who have. The last three US presidents have admitted to it. Much has been suggested about the likely next UK prime minister. Nowadays if a politician admitted to it, the tabloids would struggle to make a story stick let alone generate a scandal. The fact is, a lot of people from all walks of life have at some point taken drugs and it's time we got real about it.

That's why this week we have launched a new campaign called Nice People Take Drugs. Buses will be travelling across London carrying this slogan in an attempt to get people talking about drugs and kickstart a drug policy debate.

Over one third of the adult population of England and Wales has used illegal drugs and almost 10 million people have smoked cannabis. According to the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction, one in eight Britons under 35 has taken cocaine. Some will have experimented with drugs with little apparent consequence, some will continue to use them on occasions.

The situation where people have to deny, hide or, if found out, regret their drug taking is simply absurd. The public is tired of the artificial representation of drugs in society, which is not truthful about the fact that all sorts of people use drugs. If we are to have a fair and effective drug policy, it must be premised on this reality.

It is time for the public to challenge the mantra adhered to by politicians and much of the media that society must continue to fight a war on drugs, as if they are an enemy worth fighting and ones that can be defeated. The implication that drugs are evil and that users of them ought to be made to feel ashamed suits this status quo, but in fact does not reflect most people's experience of drugs.

We all know that, for a minority, drugs and alcohol can have disastrous consequences – but ones that are only exacerbated by the current laws and are better addressed with robust and comprehensive public health campaigns.

Aside from the occasional tinkering with the outdated classification system, drugs and drug policy do not get properly discussed and politicians are afraid to debate the possibility of meaningful reform.

The government is reluctant to tackle the subject firstly because of the culture of fear of drugs that is used as justification for the zero-tolerance approach, and also due to politicians' uncertainty about how to make the transition from failed to improved drug policies.

The Nice People Take Drugs campaign is needed so that the public can give politicians the confidence that they need to abandon the ridiculous 'tough on drugs' stance and instead focus on finding real and effective ways to properly control drugs and manage drug use. This would make drugs much less dangerous and, critically, less available to children.

The current system has brought us powerful drugs like crack cocaine, skunk and methamphetamine; it has ravaged countries from Afghanistan to Colombia and has cost billions in a war on people who use drugs. Governments have next to no control over drugs and they are arguably more available and cheaper than ever before. In the UK it is often far easier for a 14-year-old to get cannabis than alcohol.

Breaking the taboo on drugs is the first step to reducing the harm that they can cause. By far the greatest risk to the majority of people who use drugs is criminalisation and stigmatisation. To simply ban substances and arrest those who use them is no more than a complete abdication of policy makers' responsibility to protect the health and well being of its people.

We must start a debate about the kind of drug policy that this country wants to see. The UK does not want drug laws that benefit massive drug cartels and are politically convenient for politicians, but ones that deal effectively and maturely with drugs and make our society a safer place for our children.

Tuesday, June 2, 2009

Trial to give free heroin to hard-core addicts in Vancouver and Montreal



JUSTINE HUNTER

VICTORIA - From Monday's Globe and Mail, Monday, Jun. 01, 2009

Two hundred drug addicts in Montreal and Vancouver will be lining up for
free heroin
later this year at publicly funded clinics. And they can thank the
federal Conservative
government, despite its hard line against hard drugs.

The trial - which will offer the drug in pill and injectable forms as
well - builds on a
similar heroin experiment last year that found most participants
committed far fewer
crimes and their physical and mental health improved.

The three-year medical trial will put Canada on the leading edge of
international
addictions research "for a population that is in desperate need for
alternate health
options," said Michael Krausz, the lead investigator.

But the project is only proceeding with the blessing of, and $1-million
in funding from,
the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, an agency of Health Canada.

The federal Conservative government is currently fighting Vancouver's
supervised-injection facility, Insite, in court. Prime Minister Stephen
Harper has
argued that taxpayer money should not fund drug use, but should be spent
on prevention
and treatment.

The heroin trial goes even further than Insite, not only providing a
safe place to
inject, but also the heroin itself.

The drug is legally purchased in Europe and brought to Canada under
armed guard.

The trial is called SALOME, the Study to Assess Longer-term Opioid
Medication
Effectiveness, and it will build on a similar heroin experiment that
wrapped up last
summer. The North American Opiate Medication Initiative (NAOMI) was also
funded by the
Canadian Institutes of Health Research with the approval of Health Canada.

The NAOMI trial was criticized by some addictions physicians but drew no
comment from
the federal government, which paid more than $8-million for the research.

"It's been disappointing," said Martin Schechter, who led NAOMI and is
also working on
SALOME. Dr. Schechter said European health authorities are very
interested in the work,
but Canadian authorities will not acknowledge it.

"There's a lot invested in NAOMI. We did everything we could to
translate the
information for decision-makers to make them understand what it meant,"
he said.

Dr. Krausz, a leading addictions researcher, has conducted another
heroin trial in
Germany, the largest such randomized clinical trial in Europe.

The Canadian research aims to determine if medically prescribed heroin
is a safe and
effective treatment and if users will accept the drug in pill form
instead of injecting
it.. It will also measure whether a licenced narcotic, Hydromorphone,
can be used
instead of heroin.

His team is now recruiting about 200 severe heroin addicts who have
failed to respond to
existing treatments and they expect to have the clinics in Vancouver and
Montreal open
by this fall.

Last week, Dr. Krausz's medical team sat down with Vancouver
philanthropists asking for
additional support for the clinics that will distribute both heroin and
a legal narcotic
substitute to hard-core addicts. Organizers say one business leader
immediately offered
a cheque for $100,000.

Trish Walsh, executive director of the InnerChange Foundation, who
arranged last week's
fundraiser with top Vancouver business and community leaders, said the
30 people who
gathered in a corporate boardroom understood that the city cannot ignore
its
drug-addicted population.

"We have been sleepwalking right through the middle of this crisis."

Health Minister Leona Aglukkaq did not return calls, but her press
secretary, Josée
Bellemare, offered an e-mailed statement on the minister's behalf: "Our
government
recognizes that injection drug users need assistance. That's why we are
investing in
prevention and treatment, to help people recover from their drug
addictions."

Monday, June 1, 2009

German parlament have voted to allow the prescription of synthetic heroin.

Hi friends,

yesterday the german parlament have voted to allow the prescription of synthetic heroin.
A cross-party group of supporters( social democrats, Liberals, Green party and communists) got a 350 to 198 majority.
heroin would apply to heroinuser
- aged at least 23
- who have been addicted for at least five years
- and
undergone two previous, unsuccessful rehabilitation programs.

the health insurance pay the treatment.

This is a milestone for the german and european drugpolicy. The german JES -user groups are

relieved and a little bit proud that heroin is a normal medcine now.
Hopefully the decision in germany, the programms in Spain, GB, Switzerland, Holland, Cananda and Belgium paves the way for
heroin prescription in many other countrys.

Friday, May 22, 2009

WHY SHOULD DRUG USERS SELF-ORGANISE?


by Andria Efthimiou-Mordaunt

For the benefit of the 'professionals' who may read this it may be that this question is crucial to answer if you are genuine about encouraging drug users to organise around their needs/rights.

Before I get going I need to define my terms of reference, for example who is a drug user? A drug user is any man, woman or child who has had a history of drug-dependency whether they have ever used a drugs service or not. I am not referring to drug users who simply smoke a little pot every week or take 'E' now and then. I am talking about people whose lives have been radically changed by the experience of using, in as much as they have lost a lot: friends, family, money, lovers, children (in some cases) to social services, the right to good housing education and employment.

My main motivation for doing this work comes from the enormous loss of lives I have personally experienced, and within the community in general. A drug user over the age of 30 is a privileged soul indeed these days. That is if they haven't already died from an overdose, AIDS, Hepatitis or Septicaemia, or ended up doing time. And it is with them I propose that we try to organise, making inroads into further humanising drug treatment facilities. And for those of us who are not imprisoned, and are alive and kicking, that we stay that way.

Recently the Government's Effectiveness Review harps on a lot about users rights, user involvement and the word advocacy comes up from time to time also. In other fields, and I cite the mental health field as a good example, advocates are paid people who appear to be non-medical, although highly knowledgeable in their chosen fields who have a part to play in lobbying for better services for their counterparts who may still be undergoing great stress due to their 'condition' or 'illness' . In the drugs field this could mean anything from going along with a client to their HIV-clinic, to speaking on their behalf to their doctor who doesn't appear to be adequately explaining the treatment that is being doled out, to fighting hard for the decriminalisation of drugs.

Two significant points about advocates in the drugs field: these people are mostly not paid yet, (or paid quite badly) , and neither have they been seen to be necessary by most workers till Effectiveness Review in most parts of the country. Excuse us if we don't all immediately jump on the 'drug user consultation' bandwagon. We are finding it a little difficult to know who is actually interested in this. The fact remains that before HIV very few drugs workers, whether in the voluntary or statutory sector were in the slightest bit interested in hearing what we had to say about legislation, drugs services or anything else for that matter. But there have of course been a few researchers, policy makers and service providers who have wanted to hear our views for some years. So thank you to them.

Speaking for myself, the sense of 'I have the right' was something I never felt whilst I was using. And my guess is that other drug users feel the same way. That users feel disillusioned and untrusting should come as no surprise to workers in the field. Let me list a few reasons why:-

We think we are being tokenised and not taken seriously, and anyway we know that whatever we say is probably not going to make any difference in a fragile health service which has less and less resources for drug users (and many other 'patient' groups for that matter).

It means collaborating with workers who have seen us at our worst and it's cringe-making to say the least.

We do not get paid for the most part, and this is simply not fair.

In some cases we are not skilled and knowledgeable enough to be able to communicate on an equal level with most of our 'professional' allies. We need training and we are not going to get it being used as volunteers in the drugs field. But before training the priority must be learning leading to qualifications - education!

In 1987, fresh out of rehab', and pretty naive to say the least, I joined an ex-user support group. Within it I met Steve who became a very close friend. I was already a relief working in rehabs' and he knew I'd taken a particular interest in the HIV issue. So he told me how terrified he was that he might be HIV positive, and I did the best I could supporting him by going with him for a test and then coming to terms with the fact that he was HIV positive and symptomatic. This inspired my initial enthusiasm for drugs/AIDS work. And let's face it for most drug users there was no such thing as speaking up for yourself until AIDS, when suddenly it became important for service providers to liaise with us.

One of the things I find intensely frustrating about this work is the number of times I get roped into fighting on behalf of a fellow addict for the right quantity script, or some other basic medical necessity that should make one's life at least bearable. For me this is a waste of our time as advocates and should be the job of front-line drugs workers; we have more than enough to do educating each other about what our rights are in the first place. I'll say that again. We have enough of a job to do educating each other about what our rights are in the first place. Shocking though it may seem to many of us, most drug users I advocate for appear stunned when I put it to them that they might have the right to education, a job, or anything for that matter.

I have a drug-using friend in the north of England who constantly refers to me (tongue in cheek, though it may be) as a liberal, a counsellor; you know the sort. He is without a doubt one of the most disillusioned individuals from the community I have ever met. He has used (like myself) since the 1970's and has fought hard for adequate services for drug users, both when drug-free and also when using. But as for drug users rights...he doesn't believe drug users will organise. And if they do, what safeguards would there be for them? How on earth can illicit drug-users be seen to be self-organising, even if it were possible for the occupational hazards of 'scoring' not to make us undependable. For many of us it is intensely shaming to be 'out' because of the entrenched views most people have about drug users. In my experience, most of the reliable activists are 'out of the closet' committed individuals who have regular scripts, and/or ex-users. They can afford to be, as they don't live in constant fear of arrest.

However, I would like to say it may not actually be necessary for all of us to be 'out of the closet'. Gay men, for example, achieved a lot in serious positions of power because they remained closeted. I don't think this should always remain so, but it depends on your particular position as an activist in the community. If you are a doctor or some other kind of 'pro' it's clearly in your interest to stay closeted, at least for a while! Coming from an AIDS activist background and seeing the incredible inroads gay men achieved through self-identifying I know there is some value in it. But I do advocate that people who are thinking of 'coming out' to think long and hard about it. It's not so much the law as the emotional repercussions of being exposed.

In relation to organising street drug users one process that has worked well is by making initial contact on the street using newsletters on primary health care, HIV prevention & advertisements about drug services, and getting drug users to contribute to a newsletter with suggestions or articles. This is also an excellent peer education tool and has also been a successful health education tool.

In the UK a London-based organisation called the Drug Users Rights Forum (DURF) has been in operation for 19 months. It is a loose coalition of drug users, ex-users, researchers and front-line workers mainly from the drugs field but one or two also from the mental health field. The membership, which comes from as far a field as Scotland and Ireland, includes people based in AIDS projects where their priorities are more to do with peer education, especially with a view to HIV and Hepatitis prevention. And some are based in drugs projects where the priorities are more to do with prescribing legal substitute drugs.

One of the issues that DURF lobbied around was the pilot program of prescribing heroin (200 ml ceiling), plus methadone, at the Chelsea and Westminster Drug Dependency Unit. A few opiate dependants there were saying that the ceiling was too low, and they needed more. In the final analysis they moved onto private doctors, and the consultant we lobbied eventually admitted that the reason the clinic couldn't prescribe more heroin was because it would cost too much. But a fascinating aspect of this issue for me was that even ex-users (some of whom hadn't used for years) supported this effort because heroin is less addictive, and safer than methadone. This is not to promote heroin for all opiate dependants, but clearly for some it has been the answer to having a life, a job and a family, and generally contributing positively to society. We recently discovered that the reason that heroin is effectively more expensive than methadone is that there is only one manufacturer, and one distributor - which is not the same with other drugs.

As I had seen so many drug user organisations fall down within a year of starting due to lack of administrative and financial support, I cautioned DURF not to go full steam ahead with big campaigns until this was dealt with. The good news is that SCODA are now working with DURF to help raise funds and to begin some pragmatic strategy development. Despite these achievements the fact remains that until drug users stop being criminalised the circumstances of their lives will always be in the balance. My hope is that DURF will be part of the leadership in the struggle to decriminalise drugs, and therefore us as a community. Since when did punishing people with a 'medical condition', ie addiction, ever help them get well? In addition the amount of public funds which could be diverted from pointless arrests into a more compassionate and pragmatic approach to drug use would be enormous. Something to think about is that decriminalising or legalising a drug doesn't mean you cannot campaign against it. Look at health education campaigns around alcohol and tobacco. In the UK, smoking is banned in many work environments and the numbers of smokers have gone down. A recent television phone-in programme which Release's director Mike Goodman was involved with voted 52 per cent in favour of legalising all drugs and 48 per cent against. Perhaps the tide is slowly turning.

Andria Efthimiou-Mordaunt is the chair of the John Mordaunt Trust.

Friday, May 1, 2009

A REPORT FROM THE 20TH INTERNATIONAL HARM REDUCTION CONFERENCE, BANGKOK, 20-23 APRIL 2009



At all international harm reduction events, drug users consultations and similar meetings, there is always one issue spoken about in joking and hushed terms, but never openly acknowledged - where the drug users who are attending can get their drug of choice. It’s a reality, but the issue of actual drug use is often swept under the carpet at events such as these. There seems to be a Victorian, repressed attitude to it, something that we don’t speak about but something we know goes on.

So it was a breath of fresh air to attend Cheryl White’s workshop on the third day of the International Harm Reduction conference here in Bangkok - Harm Reduction and Pleasure Maximisation - where drug users were open about their using, and more importantly open about declaring that taking drugs can actually be pleasurable. Cheryl, a Canadian, and a drug activist for most of her life, and is not apologetic about enjoying drugs.

We know drugs can be pleasurable, but somehow we never seem to talk about this, always focusing on the negative aspects of drug use, and the need to minimise harm to protect from HIV and Hep C. We don’t talk about the need to minimise harm so we can maximise pleasure.

In much the same way safe sex programs have switched from a disease approach to a sex positive approach, harm reduction programs in the context of drug use need to be more drug positive in order to reflect the true nature of using drugs.

“Harm Reduction has been hijacked”, said Cheryl, “[and] has come to mean harm elimination, on a continuum heading towards abstinence as the ultimate goal, rather than purely being about working with drug users to ensure that their drug use is as safe as possible”. She cited examples of how organisations like the Salvation Army consider themselves harm reductionists to which the audience laughed loudly in disbelief.

Cheryl eloquently asked the question, “What is your relationship with opiates?” This very question challenges our beliefs, because it implies several types of relationships a person can have with drugs, and not all of them are negative - whether that be “habitual and chaotic” or “respectful and enhancing”.

So if we can accept that not all drug users' relationships with their drugs are harmful, the next logical step is to accept that a part of harm reduction can be to maximize pleasure - and to help us do this we need to provide the user with the skills to be able to assess their using and how it fits into their lives, rather than make an assumption that all drug users ultimately want to stop using.

Another aspect that the workshop touched upon was the use of opiate substitution programs – another essential part of a harm reduction approach – but as Cheryl put it, “we give the drugs without the pleasure: what people really want is a prescription for heroin, not methadone. Generally people don’t take methadone because they want to but rather because they recognise their drug use is out of control.”

There was a lot of agreement to this sentiment, but for the non-users in the audience it was very challenging to hear that not all people wanted to get off drugs, but rather wanted their drug use to be successfully integrated into their lives.

‘Pleasure maximization and harm reduction’ are integrally linked, and it is important for us to be challenged by such concepts, looking at our own practice to ensure that we at least acknowledge that there are positive aspects to drug-taking, and incorporate this concept into our work

Sunday, April 19, 2009

Curb Aids and HIV by decriminalising drugs, say experts


Aids and HIV worldwideView larger picture

Aids and HIV worldwide. Photograph: Cat Davison/Pete Guest

The use of illicit drugs must be decriminalised if efforts to halt the spread of Aids are to succeed, one of the world's leading independent authorities on the disease has warned.

In an unprecedented attack on global drugs policy, Michele Kazatchkine, head of the influential Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria, has told the Observer that, without a radical overhaul of laws that lead to hundreds of thousands of drug users being imprisoned or denied access to safe treatment, the millions of pounds spent on fighting HIV and Aids will be wasted.

Kazatchkine will use his keynote speech at the 20th International Harm Reduction Association conference tomorrow in Bangkok to expose the failures of policies which treat addiction as a crime. He will accuse governments of using what he calls "repressive" measures that deny addicts human rights rather than putting public health needs first.

He will argue that governments should fully commit to the widespread provision of harm reduction strategies aimed at intravenous drug users, such as free needle exchanges and providing substitutes to illicit drugs, such as methadone.

"A repressive way of dealing with drug users is a way of facilitating the spread of the [HIV/Aids] epidemic," Kazatchkine said. "If you know you will be arrested, you will not go for treatment. I say drug use cannot be criminalised. I'm talking about criminalising trafficking but not users. From a scientific perspective, I cannot understand the repressive policy perspective."

He condemns policymakers who argue that, because drug users frequently turn to crime to fund their habit, it justifies making it a criminal justice issue. Harm reduction both helps the addict and wider society and reduces the need to commit crime, he said.

"The one population where [Aids] mortality has been untouched - and in fact has worsened - has been IV [intravenous] drug users. It's amazing, because what we call harm reduction, such as exchanging needles, has been scientifically proven as the most effective.

"This is why I will most probably start my speech in Bangkok by mentioning the contrast between major progress achieved in decreasing mortality from Aids in the poorest countries of the world versus the total lack of progress for what is the main route of transmission in most parts of the world outside Africa."

Kazatchkine suggested that politicians feared that the public would label them soft on drugs. A doctor and respected Aids expert with 20 years in the field, he has in his two years at the helm of the Global Fund overseen some of the most dramatic improvements in treatment and prevention of HIV globally.

Since it was established in 2001, the fund has received $21bn in contributions from the world's wealthiest nations and used it to play a significant part in reducing rates of new HIV infections. It has also contributed to the distribution of much needed life-preserving anti-retroviral drugs to millions of people already diagnosed.

Alex Stevens, a senior research fellow specialising in drugs and criminalisation at the University of Kent, said tomorrow's speech would highlight many of the troubling consequences of criminal justice approaches to drugs policy.

"In many countries, serious human rights infringements are committed in the name of fighting drugs," he said. "These include the use of the death penalty for drug offences, compulsory treatment regimes that include methods (such as physical beatings) that are akin to torture, and, for example in the USA, depriving convicted drug law offenders of the right to vote."

Stevens said that, while the UK was ahead of many other countries on harm reduction, its tendency to criminalise drug users could undermine its efforts.

What is needed, Kazatchkine will argue tomorrow, is a total rethink of drugs policies. "What I'm saying is that government's function is to protect their citizens. This is why harm reduction should be supported by all governments everywhere."

Wednesday, April 8, 2009

Portugal's drug decriminalization 'bizarrely underappreciated': Greenwald

Rachel Oswald
Published: Monday April 6, 2009



http://rawstory.com/news/2008/Portugals_drug_decriminalization_bizarrely_underappreciated_Greenwald_0406.html





Champions of harsh drug criminalization laws as the best solution to curbing drug use will be chagrined to find that Portugal’s eight year history of decriminalization has led to lower drug usage rates.

According to a new report entitled, “Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies,” while drug use across the European Union has risen steadily since 2000, Portugal, which has the most liberal drug laws of any country, has actually seen its prevalence rates decrease in various age groups since it decriminalized all drugs in 2001. Prevalence rates measure how many people have consumed drugs over the course of their lifetime.

“I think it’s bizarrely underappreciated what’s been done in Portugal,” said Salon writer Glenn Greenwald, who authored the report. Greenwald, who speaks fluent Portuguese, traveled to Portugal in 2008 to study the affects of drug decriminalization in the country.

Because drugs were not legalized outright in Portugal, violations of laws prohibiting drug possession for personal usage are now merely treated as administrative offenses and carry with them no criminal charges. Drug trafficking, however, continues to be prosecuted as a criminal offense in the country.

Compared to the low to moderate levels of drug use in Portugal since decriminalization went into effect, the majority of EU states have drug use rates that are double and triple that of Portugal today, according to the report.

Greenwald, who presented his findings at a Friday event at the Cato Institute, which sponsored the writing of the report, noted that the United Kingdom and Estonia, EU nations with some of the harshest criminalization laws, also have the highest cocaine usage rates in the EU.

“None of the fears promulgated by opponents of Portuguese decriminalization has come to fruition, whereas many of the benefits predicted by drug policymakers from instituting a decriminalization regime have been realized," writes Greenwald in the report. "While drug addiction, usage, and associated pathologies continue to skyrocket in many EU states, those problems—in virtually every relevant category—have been either contained or measurably improved within Portugal since 2001.”

Greenwald said the strongest evidence in Portugal that supports drug decriminalization is the declining usage of drugs in the crucial 15-19 age group.

In every single drug category, with the exception of the new drugs that have come into popular usage since 2001, like ketamine and GHB, teen drug use has declined. The biggest drug category declines were seen in marijuana, which saw teen drug use slip from just over 10 percent in 2001 to 6 percent in 2006.

“Drug policymakers are ecstatic about this,” Greenwald said.

Since decriminalization took effect in Portugal, deaths as a result of drug usage have declined significantly. Opiate-related deaths experienced the biggest drop, falling from about 275 deaths in 2000 to about 125 in 2006, according to information provided in the report from the Portugal National Institute of Legal Medicine.

The Portugal report, which also tracked drug usage rates outside of the European Union (the region of the world that has gone the farthest in decriminalizing drug usage), found that “by and large usage rates for each category of drugs continue to be lower in the EU than in non-EU states with a far more criminalized approach to drug usage.”

Tim Lynch, director of the Cato Institute’s Project on Criminal Justice, said, “For a very long time all of the academics, who studied drug policy, had to acknowledge one reality -- that the drug policy of the United States is the drug policy of the world.”

That premise, however, is now changing.

As evidence of this, Lynch pointed to a number of news bulletins calling for drug reform in recent months: “Canadian government tries anew to decriminalize marijuana”, “Argentine president calls for decriminalization of drug use”, “Mass. voters OK decriminalization of marijuana”, ” Obama administration to stop raids on medical marijuana dispensers” and most recently, ” Webb, Specter introduce bill to overhaul America’s criminal justice system.”

Advocates of drug decriminalization in the United States, should focus not on ideological or moral arguments in making their case, but rather, empirical evidence that shows decriminalization reduces drug usage, said Greenwald.

Greenwald said supporters of decriminalization in the U.S. have an “ideal moment” to talk about it as the political mood regarding decriminalization is now shifting in favor of reform.

According to Greenwald, much of the discussion on why drugs should not be decriminalized (the primary argument being that it will lead to higher drug usage and higher assorted drug-related problems) has been speculative. He said it was up to drug reformers to refocus the drug debate away from moral and civil liberties arguments “so that it ends up being an entirely empirical and pragmatic issue.”

Because there has been little debate on empirical grounds, which are verifiable and provable, on why drugs should stay criminalized, the “extremely unexamined” assumption that decriminalization would result in a massive increase of drug usage has become widespread and generally accepted, Greenwald said.

But with the decriminalization of drugs in Portugal, drug reformers can now point to empirical evidence that demonstrates that decriminalization has positive affects.

As Greenwald writes in the report, “By freeing its citizens from the fear of prosecution and imprisonment for drug usage, Portugal has dramatically improved its ability to encourage drug addicts to avail themselves of treatment. The resources that were previously devoted to prosecuting and imprisoning drug addicts are now available to provide treatment programs to addicts.”

“Those developments, along with Portugal’s shift to a harm-reduction approach, have dramatically improved drug-related social ills, including drug-caused mortalities and drug-related disease transmission,” the report continues. “Ideally, treatment programs would be strictly voluntary, but Portugal’s program is certainly preferable to criminalization.”

Peter Reuter, a professor of criminology at the University of Maryland, who supports the continued criminalization of drugs, provided a skeptical critique of Greenwald’s report at Friday’s event, though he did admit that “I think it is fair to say that decriminalization in Portugal…has indeed achieved its central goals.”

While non-violent drug users are no longer dealt with as criminals in Portugal, Reuter speculated that because Portuguese police no longer have to put as much effort into making a criminal arrest against drug users, they are now more likely to issue many more administrative citations for drug use, which he said served to increase, rather than decrease, the intrusion of government into the lives of private citizens.

He added, that the higher rates of drug users seeking government treatment was more likely due to the aging of Western Europe’s heroin-using population. According to Reuter, the large bulk of the population of heroin dependents first began using in the 1970’s, 80’s and 90’s and so would be much older today and more likely to seek out medical help.

“Much of what is recorded here, I think, is consistent with what I see happening in many other Western countries,” said Reuter of the number of drug users in Portugal seeking treatment.